Group Workshop on Serbian prince Miloš Obrenović

« Activities « Research Seminars

Date: 23 January 2026, 3 p.m. – 5 p.m. EET/ Location: NEC

On-site participants: Silvia Marton, Constantin Ardeleanu, Augusta Dimou, Mária PakucsMichał Wasiucionek

Online participants: Lucien Frary, Boriana Antonova-Goleva, Andrei Sorescu

Chair of the meeting: Silvia Marton, TransCorr P.I.

This working group within the TransCorr project focuses on the political, economic and social activities of the Serbian prince Miloš Obrenović whose influence in the Balkans region was tremendous at the beginning of the 19th century, bridging Istanbul, Bucharest, Belgrade and Vienna. This topic will be a section in the second TransCorr volume: Old Practices, New Interactions? Favoritism, Interests, Patronage in Central-South-East Europe (1750-1850), Silvia Marton and Constantin Ardeleanu (eds.)

Each team member presented the current stage of their work and proposed future research directions that were discussed together.

Michał Wasiucionek will include a historiographical overview on Obrenović.

Lucien Frary will detail the connections between the Russian and the Serbian states, with a focus on Obrenović’s relationship with Baron Grigorii A. Stroganov, the Russian ambassador to Serbia at that time.

Constantin Ardeleanu, whose chapter is already drafted, analyzed the salt trade and the route of money, during Obrenović’s reign. The prince was a genuine capitalist and entrepreneur, becoming one of the wealthiest persons in the Balkans.

Mária Pakucs will approach the topic from the Hungarian and Habsburg angles, digging into the relation with Széchenyi István and the Sina family network (notably Sina György Simon).

Augusta Dimou will write about Gligorije M. Jeftanović, as a case of entrepreneurship and community building among Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The volume will depict how these leaders operated, the motivations behind their actions and in what way they were transnational.

Voting and Electoral Fraud in Nineteenth Century Romania. A Contribution to the History of Corruption

« Activities « Conference Papers

27-29 January 2026

Silvia Marton, PI, presented the paper “Voting and Electoral Fraud in Nineteenth Century Romania. A Contribution to the History of Corruption” at the international conference “Electoral Fraud and Political Distrust: Entanglements and New Perspectives of Study in Modern Europe (c. 1750 – c. 1950),” organized at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona on 28-29 January 2026. Her paper discussed the role of trust and distrust in electoral politics during the pre-democratic period of limited suffrage in Romania. Specifically, she examined the techniques for directing and influencing the vote, and the social dimension of voting in the electoral colleges. The paper’s main questions were: Was trust a variable to understand the electoral process? Why did certain electors vote constantly for the same candidates and were loyal to a specific party/faction’s candidates, while others voted ‘the government’, whoever that was out of the two political groups, the Liberals or the Conservatives? How to understand the volatile voters’ behavior? Her paper showed that the numerous mechanisms of vote control and influence denoted lack of trust, mainly of the candidates in the voters.

The Phanariot Past and its Multiple Afterlives: Historicizing “Corruption” in Central-South-East Europe (1750s-1920s)

« Activities « TransCorr International Conferences « International Conference June 2026

Call for Papers

International Conference
New Europe College – Institute for Advanced Study
Bucharest, 15-16 June 202
6

The Phanariots have long animated the historiography of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Southeast Europe. These Grecophone, Orthodox Christians with ties to Istanbul’s Phanar district serviced the Ottoman state, occupying positions from princes of Wallachia, Moldavia, and Samos to the Grand Dragoman of the Sublime Porte. Phanariots worked in the tsarist administration as diplomats, state counselors, and military officers. They created thick webs of trade and credit that bound together economic interests across the Ottoman and Russian empires and connected them to commercial networks throughout the European continent. The outbreak of the Greek War of Independence in 1821 altered many of these configurations. The Porte ousted the Phanariots from positions of power and closed institutions associated with them. The conflict, and eventually Greek independence, followed later in the century by the creation of nation-states across the Balkans, reshaped patterns of trade and diplomacy in which the Phanariots had heretofore played a significant role.

These events brought an era of Phanariot prominence across Ottoman Southeast Europe to a close. They did not, however, erase the idea of the Phanariot from political debates in the region. Indeed, contemporary political commentators, as well as historians seeking to construct national(ist) narratives, branded the Phanariots with critiques of corruption, foreign interests, and the legacies of the Ottoman past. In the Principalities these rhetorical moves became associated with the notion of “Phanariotism,” in an independent Greece they often manifested as condemnations of heterochtones — or elites born outside the confines of the new state.

Since the start of the twentieth century, some scholars have worked to rehabilitate the Phanariots. Historians and literary specialists from Constantin Dimaras to Pompiliu Eliade have cast the Phanariots as conduits of modernity across Southeast Europe, rather than as sources of political and economic corruption. More recently, researchers have attempted to rethink what (and who) the Phanariots were. Christine Philliou, for example, stresses that no separate Phanariot dossier exists in the Ottoman archives. Romanian historians, including Bogdan Murgescu and Andrei Pippidi emphasize the fallibility of the long-standing distinction drawn between “Phanariots” and “native” boyars in the Danubian lands. They also note that the term “Phanariot” had little, if any, currency in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth-century. Their work suggests that the Phanariot “caste,” as well-defined social, economic, cultural, and political group apart from other regional notables, was a later invention. Yet, scholars have conducted scant research on how and why “Phanariots” and “Phanariotism” came to signify corruption, bad governance, and a seemingly inescapable Ottoman past after 1821.

This workshop tends to this gap in historiography. Through studies grounded in both conceptual history as well as social and political history, participants are invited to explore how diverse historical actors linked the concept of the Phanariots/Phanariotism to notions of individual and systemic “corruption” as well as forms of retrograde governance. The speakers are invited to investigate which historical actors mobilized the specter of the Phanariot from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth century and why they did so, by locating these articulations in the regional rise of nation-states, processes of political democratization, and economic modernization. The workshop’s overall aim is to historicize and contextualize these concepts, tropes, and discursive practices associated with the Phanariots and “Phanariotism.”

This collective study of the Phanariot legacy, as both politicised cultural practice and scholarly conundrum, has relevance across the region’s national borders. To varying degrees, Phanariot rule and post-Phanariot memory constitute part of the histories of Wallachia, Moldavia (including Bukovina and Bessarabia), Bulgaria, Albania, North Macedonia, Serbia, Turkey, and Greece. At present, however, research integrating these disparate historiographies, transnational in method, concepts and substance, is still very much needed.

The workshop invites contributions on the following and related themes:

  1. The Phanariots and their era. What and who were the Phanariots? What was their understanding of bad governance, administration, or institutional-political design? Conversely, what notions of good governance and reform did the Phanariots promote as individuals or a group? How did they mobilize and construct their trans-imperial political and cultural connections, networks?
  1. Transition: 1821 and its aftermath. How were the events of 1821 perceived in relation to (and by) the Phanariots? What effect did 1821, the Greek War of Independence, and Greek statehood have on Phanariotes as elites in the region, and how patterns differ between imperial contexts and emerging national ones? What actors remained in positions of power or prominence, how, and where? What strategies of identity reinvention did they use? Who took up positions once occupied by Phanariots and what new posts came into existence? How and why did a cleavage between a Phanariot past and a post-Phanariote present first appear and how did actors politicised it?
  1. The afterlives of the Phanariots: national(ist) narratives, political polemics. How, by whom, and why was “Phanariotism” coined as a pejorative “-ism”? How did an “ancien régime,” allegedly characterized by multiple forms of “corruption” become synonymous with the Phanariots? What kind of legal-institutional, ethical, individual, or systemic discursive variations can we identify in denunciations of “Phanariotism” and the Phanariot past? How, when and where the “Phanariotes” themselves became floating signifier with xenophobic considerations? How and why did actors deploy these concepts in a populist register in an era before the rise of mass politics? And how did these rhetorical strategies evolve into the twentieth century?

To submit your paper proposal, please provide a title, an abstract of 250-300 words, and a brief biographical statement, to be sent to Gențiana Avrigeanu, [email protected] . The deadline for submissions is February 15, 2026. The final decision on the received proposals will be announced by early March 2026. For any inquiries, please contact Silvia Marton, PI, [email protected]

We ask that participants plan on pre-circulating their papers by June 1st, 2026.

We anticipate publishing selected papers in an edited volume.

The organizers will reimburse travel costs and provide accommodation.

The organizing committee consists of Constantin Ardeleanu, Gențiana Avrigeanu, Silvia Marton, Andrei-Dan Sorescu, and Alex R. Tipei.

This workshop is part of the research agenda of “Transnational histories of ‘corruption’ in Central-South-East Europe (1750-1850)”, funded by the European Union (ERC, TransCorr, ERC-2022-ADG no. 101098095) and hosted by the New Europe College – Institute for Advanced Study in Bucharest.

Download the Call as PDF.

TransCorr International Conferences

« Activities

    International Workshop – June 15-16, 2026

    The Phanariots have long animated the historiography of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Southeast Europe. These Grecophone, Orthodox Christians with ties to Istanbul’s Phanar district serviced the Ottoman state…

    International Workshop – June 17-18, 2024

    The New Europe College – Institute for Advanced Study in Bucharest hosts the first major international TransCorr event from the 17th to the 18th of June 2024.

    “de internis non nisi deus judicat”: Networks, insiders, and the state in Transylvania, cca. 1750 – 1800

    « Activities « Research Seminars

    23 February 2026, 16.00-18.00 (Bucharest time)
    Oana SORESCU-IUDEAN, TransCorr team member; Researcher at
    the Centre for Population Studies of the Babeș-Bolyai University of Cluj-Napoca; Postdoctoral Researcher

    Sibiu County Branch of the National Archives, Magistrate of the city and the seat of Sibiu, Series Financial, accounting and tax records, Section – Financial-accounting records – Tax records, Tax records for the city of Sibiu, 1809, fol. 1r.

    The present paper examines how Transylvanian elite actors navigated and described networks and practices of network building at several levels, between roughly the early 1750s and the end of the 18th century. The enquiry is framed by two major collections of correspondence stemming from two Transylvanian Saxon elite families, whose scions effectively and deftly negotiated positions within the estate-level, the ‘national’ and the imperial administrations over the course of the second half of the century. It surveys and catalogues a medley of actors and groups holding varied agendas, arguing that despite differences in backgrounds or confessional allegiances, these nevertheless operated in similar fashions across the political scene of the Habsburg Monarchy’s peripheral provinces. Based on this exploration, it argues on the one hand that the emergence of a provincial-level civil service in Transylvania shifted the landscape of patronage by introducing new criteria of allegiance and novel nodes of power. On the other hand, this process likewise worked to formalize interactions between estates, individuals, and the government, which in turn paved the way for the construction of a ‘gray area’ within this realm of mediation that would eventually be assimilated to corruption during the 19th century.

    Rising Capital – Entrepreneurship and Community-Building among Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Habsburg Occupation. The case of Gligorije M. Jeftanović

    « Activities « Research Seminars

    22 January 2026, 16.00-18.00 (Bucharest time)
    Augusta DIMOU, TransCorr team member; PhD. Privatdozentin,
    Institute of Cultural Studies, Chair of Comparative European History, University of Leipzig

    Source: Wiki Commons

    Gligorije Jeftanović (1840–1927) was indisputably a leading, if not the leading figure in the Movement for Church and School Autonomy among the Serbs of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the last decades of the 19 th century. As a rule, he is commemorated as a larger than life personality, an ardent patriot, an adept and devoted national leader. In the aftermath of the recent Yugoslav wars and due to the subsequent hardening of historiographic fronts, Jeftanović has been portrayed as a forerunner of Serbian unity and territorial consolidation, and has acquired almost hagiographic traits for having led the Serbian peoples’ strivings for freedom, emancipation and statehood.

    Consequently, his biographers focus predominantly on his political role in the Serbian national movement and understate other important aspects of his multifaceted personality such as that of a skilled entrepreneur with diversified business activities in commerce, the hotel industry and service sector, land ownership and industrial manufacture. In fact, his economic success often appears almost detached from his successful political career within the Bosnian Serbian orthodox community. His accomplishments, however, cannot be thought independently of the good business relations he entertained with the Provisional Government in Sarajevo and his far-reaching networks both to the Ottoman and the Habsburg empires. In my presentation, I will revisit his biography aiming at a recontextualization of G. Jeftanović as part of the Serbian commercial elite of Sarajevo, situating him within the broader socioeconomic development of new entrepreneurial elites in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Habsburg period.

    Russia’s Consular Network in the Ottoman Balkans: Influence, Favoritism, and Patronage in the Pashalik of Belgrade (1815-1821)

    « Activities « Research Seminars

    26 March 2026, 16.00-18.00 (Bucharest time)
    Lucien FRARY, TransCorr team member; PhD Professor of history
    at Rider University

    The Victoria and Albert Museum in London

    Drawing on Russian foreign ministry records, this paper examines the extension of Russian patronage and influence in the Ottoman Balkans through human webs. It charts the development of Russia’s consular network through the activity of its ambassadors and their use of unofficial and official Eastern Orthodox agents. By 1774, Russia’s practice of using Eastern Orthodox clients with linguistic capacities relevant to the region became a potent device to assert tsarist prerogatives.

    The paper focuses on the participation of Russia’s diplomatic and intelligence agents in Serbia’s journey toward independence. Under Ambassador Grigorii A. Stroganov (1816–21), the tsarist government aimed to ensure the autonomy and privileges granted to the pashalik according to the Bucharest Treaty by intervening in the system of government and by pressuring the Sublime Porte to comply with its obligations. Russian consulates in Bucharest (Aleksandr A. Pini) and Iași (Andrei Pisani) served as relay points for Russian action in Belgrade, where St. Petersburg pursued well-defined objectives: to increase Serbian autonomy without making it appear that Russia was interfering in Serbian affairs, and to extend Russian influence among the primates and merchants of the region.

    Connections with the Supreme Knez (Prince) Miloš Obrenović and the Serbian elite were quintessential to the success of Stroganov’s mission. The chapter spotlights the activity of Mihailo Todorović-German, an adventurer from Macedonia (Razlog) who spent years wandering in Italy and the Ottoman and Austrian empires before becoming a confidant of Obrenović as well as a loyal servant of the tsar. The chapter features the secret Stroganov–Obrenović correspondence to reveal how favoritism and personal intervention proved significant in determining domestic affairs in Belgrade. Written in Russian and Serbian, in cipher, and conducted via the intermediary German, the correspondence blossomed into full-fledged plans for the pashalik’s future. The intervention of the Russian embassy in Istanbul and its consular network produced an accretion of advantages for the pashalik of Belgrade until the outbreak of the Eastern Crisis in 1821 ended the Russian mission. The chapter demonstrates how the Russian state extended its patronage and influence through consular webs in fledgling states like Serbia, setting the groundwork for the next century of intervention.

    Lastly, the activity of low-level Russian agents in the Ottoman Empire represents an underappreciated aspect of the transformation of foreign policy institutions over the nineteenth century. Russia’s consular officers and offices in the Ottoman Balkans formulated, bent, and broke common rules of foreign policy execution by intervening with the regional elite in the areas under their jurisdiction. These agents represented new states like Serbia, Greece, and Romania to the outside world, making them a special channel and source for domestic and foreign policy aspirations.

    Follow the Money. Networks, Influence, and Power in 1830s Wallachia

    « Activities « Research Seminars

    4 May 2026, 16.00-18.00 (Bucharest time)
    Constantin ARDELEANU, TransCorr team member; PhD Senior Researcher, Institute for South-East European History, Bucharest / Long-Term Fellow, New Europe College, Bucharest

    https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Alexandru_Dimitrie_Ghica.jpg

    Starting from the emblematic case of the relationship between Prince Alexandru Dimitrie Ghica, the banker Ștefan Hagi Moscu, and several of the leading capitalists of the era, my presentation aims to investigate the complex relationship between money, influence, and power in 1830s Wallachia, as part of a broader system of governance through networks.

    My analysis will follow three complementary directions. First, I will focus on the inter-imperial networks of business, trust, and patronage that linked Bucharest to Iași, Belgrade, Istanbul, and Vienna. These networks – composed of merchants, officials, diplomats, and creditors – functioned simultaneously as mechanisms of regional economic integration and as infrastructures of personal enrichment, in which the circulation of capital relied on the social capital of relationships and political protection.

    Second, I will examine the fluidity of the boundaries between public and private in a world governed by personal loyalties, family alliances, and reciprocal obligations. In the absence of a clear separation between “public interest” and “private benefit,” the prince, ministers, and capitalists operated within a regime of reciprocity and compensation, where state resources were negotiated and redistributed according to the logic of patronage. This porosity of spheres did not signify the absence of order, but a different form of political rationality, specific to a moral economy of governance in which personal relationships substituted for formal institutions.

    Finally, the article will address the emergence of a new regime of accountability and transparency in the administration of public funds, following the introduction of the Organic Regulations and the empowerment of the General Assembly to oversee budgetary expenditures.

    This normative framework made possible the rise of a discourse of political morality, in which terms such as “good governance,” “abuse,” or “corruption” began to redefine older practices of patronage and to mark the transition from personal to institutional forms of governance.